19 Mar

Before You Go ~ Awesome Video



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Please CLICK HERE TO SEE THE VIDEO

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Wild Thing’s comment……….
There is such a special video I would love to show all of you. It is called Before I Go. There is no way in this world I can thank all you Veterans and our troops today equally to what you have all given to me, to America and to the world. You are my heroes and I thank you with all my heart and soul!

….Thank you John 5 (VN 69/70)

18 Mar

The Obama Bargain By Shelby Steele ~ Excellent Article!




The Obama Bargain
By SHELBY STEELE
March 18, 2008
Wallstreet Journal
Geraldine Ferraro may have had sinister motives when she said that Barack Obama would not be “in his position” as a frontrunner but for his race. Possibly she was acting as Hillary Clinton’s surrogate. Or maybe she was simply befuddled by this new reality — in which blackness could constitute a political advantage.
But whatever her motives, she was right: “If Obama was a white man, he would not be in this position.” Barack Obama is, of course, a very talented politician with a first-rate political organization at his back. But it does not detract from his merit to say that his race is also a large part of his prominence. And it is undeniable that something extremely powerful in the body politic, a force quite apart from the man himself, has pulled Obama forward. This force is about race and nothing else.
The novelty of Barack Obama is more his cross-racial appeal than his talent. Jesse Jackson displayed considerable political talent in his presidential runs back in the 1980s. But there was a distinct limit to his white support. Mr. Obama’s broad appeal to whites makes him the first plausible black presidential candidate in American history. And it was Mr. Obama’s genius to understand this. Though he likes to claim that his race was a liability to be overcome, he also surely knew that his race could give him just the edge he needed — an edge that would never be available to a white, not even a white woman.
How to turn one’s blackness to advantage?
The answer is that one “bargains.” Bargaining is a mask that blacks can wear in the American mainstream, one that enables them to put whites at their ease. This mask diffuses the anxiety that goes along with being white in a multiracial society. Bargainers make the subliminal promise to whites not to shame them with America’s history of racism, on the condition that they will not hold the bargainer’s race against him. And whites love this bargain — and feel affection for the bargainer — because it gives them racial innocence in a society where whites live under constant threat of being stigmatized as racist. So the bargainer presents himself as an opportunity for whites to experience racial innocence.
This is how Mr. Obama has turned his blackness into his great political advantage, and also into a kind of personal charisma. Bargainers are conduits of white innocence, and they are as popular as the need for white innocence is strong. Mr. Obama’s extraordinary dash to the forefront of American politics is less a measure of the man than of the hunger in white America for racial innocence.
His actual policy positions are little more than Democratic Party boilerplate and hardly a tick different from Hillary’s positions. He espouses no galvanizing political idea. He is unable to say what he means by “change” or “hope” or “the future.” And he has failed to say how he would actually be a “unifier.” By the evidence of his slight political record (130 “present” votes in the Illinois state legislature, little achievement in the U.S. Senate) Barack Obama stacks up as something of a mediocrity. None of this matters much.
Race helps Mr. Obama in another way — it lifts his political campaign to the level of allegory, making it the stuff of a far higher drama than budget deficits and education reform. His dark skin, with its powerful evocations of America’s tortured racial past, frames the political contest as a morality play. Will his victory mean America’s redemption from its racist past? Will his defeat show an America morally unevolved? Is his campaign a story of black overcoming, an echo of the civil rights movement? Or is it a passing-of-the-torch story, of one generation displacing another?
Because he is black, there is a sense that profound questions stand to be resolved in the unfolding of his political destiny. And, as the Clintons have discovered, it is hard in the real world to run against a candidate of destiny. For many Americans — black and white — Barack Obama is simply too good (and too rare) an opportunity to pass up. For whites, here is the opportunity to document their deliverance from the shames of their forbearers. And for blacks, here is the chance to document the end of inferiority. So the Clintons have found themselves running more against America’s very highest possibilities than against a man. And the press, normally happy to dispel every political pretension, has all but quivered before Mr. Obama. They, too, have feared being on the wrong side of destiny.
And yet, in the end, Barack Obama’s candidacy is not qualitatively different from Al Sharpton’s or Jesse Jackson’s. Like these more irascible of his forbearers, Mr. Obama’s run at the presidency is based more on the manipulation of white guilt than on substance. Messrs. Sharpton and Jackson were “challengers,” not bargainers. They intimidated whites and demanded, in the name of historical justice, that they be brought forward. Mr. Obama flatters whites, grants them racial innocence, and hopes to ascend on the back of their gratitude. Two sides of the same coin.
But bargainers have an Achilles heel. They succeed as conduits of white innocence only as long as they are largely invisible as complex human beings. They hope to become icons that can be identified with rather than seen, and their individual complexity gets in the way of this. So bargainers are always laboring to stay invisible. (We don’t know the real politics or convictions of Tiger Woods or Michael Jordan or Oprah Winfrey, bargainers all.) Mr. Obama has said of himself, “I serve as a blank screen on which people of vastly different political stripes project their own views . . .” And so, human visibility is Mr. Obama’s Achilles heel. If we see the real man, his contradictions and bents of character, he will be ruined as an icon, as a “blank screen.”
Thus, nothing could be more dangerous to Mr. Obama’s political aspirations than the revelation that he, the son of a white woman, sat Sunday after Sunday — for 20 years — in an Afrocentric, black nationalist church in which his own mother, not to mention other whites, could never feel comfortable. His pastor, Rev. Jeremiah Wright, is a challenger who goes far past Al Sharpton and Jesse Jackson in his anti-American outrage (“God damn America”).
How does one “transcend” race in this church? The fact is that Barack Obama has fellow-traveled with a hate-filled, anti-American black nationalism all his adult life, failing to stand and challenge an ideology that would have no place for his own mother. And what portent of presidential judgment is it to have exposed his two daughters for their entire lives to what is, at the very least, a subtext of anti-white vitriol?
What could he have been thinking? Of course he wasn’t thinking. He was driven by insecurity, by a need to “be black” despite his biracial background. And so fellow-traveling with a little race hatred seemed a small price to pay for a more secure racial identity. And anyway, wasn’t this hatred more rhetorical than real?
But now the floodlight of a presidential campaign has trained on this usually hidden corner of contemporary black life: a mindless indulgence in a rhetorical anti-Americanism as a way of bonding and of asserting one’s blackness. Yet Jeremiah Wright, splashed across America’s television screens, has shown us that there is no real difference between rhetorical hatred and real hatred.
No matter his ultimate political fate, there is already enough pathos in Barack Obama to make him a cautionary tale. His public persona thrives on a manipulation of whites (bargaining), and his private sense of racial identity demands both self-betrayal and duplicity. His is the story of a man who flew so high, yet neglected to become himself.
Mr. Steele, a research fellow at Stanford University’s Hoover Institution and the author of “A Bound Man: Why We Are Excited About Obama and Why He Can’t Win”

18 Mar

Obama’s Speech In Full



“We the people, in order to form a more perfect union.”
Two hundred and twenty one years ago, in a hall that still stands across the street, a group of men gathered and, with these simple words, launched America’s improbable experiment in democracy. Farmers and scholars; statesmen and patriots who had traveled across an ocean to escape tyranny and persecution finally made real their declaration of independence at a Philadelphia convention that lasted through the spring of 1787.
The document they produced was eventually signed but ultimately unfinished. It was stained by this nation’s original sin of slavery, a question that divided the colonies and brought the convention to a stalemate until the founders chose to allow the slave trade to continue for at least twenty more years, and to leave any final resolution to future generations.
Of course, the answer to the slavery question was already embedded within our Constitution – a Constitution that had at is very core the ideal of equal citizenship under the law; a Constitution that promised its people liberty, and justice, and a union that could be and should be perfected over time.
And yet words on a parchment would not be enough to deliver slaves from bondage, or provide men and women of every color and creed their full rights and obligations as citizens of the United States. What would be needed were Americans in successive generations who were willing to do their part – through protests and struggle, on the streets and in the courts, through a civil war and civil disobedience and always at great risk – to narrow that gap between the promise of our ideals and the reality of their time.
This was one of the tasks we set forth at the beginning of this campaign – to continue the long march of those who came before us, a march for a more just, more equal, more free, more caring and more prosperous America. I chose to run for the presidency at this moment in history because I believe deeply that we cannot solve the challenges of our time unless we solve them together – unless we perfect our union by understanding that we may have different stories, but we hold common hopes; that we may not look the same and we may not have come from the same place, but we all want to move in the same direction – towards a better future for of children and our grandchildren.
This belief comes from my unyielding faith in the decency and generosity of the American people. But it also comes from my own American story.
I am the son of a black man from Kenya and a white woman from Kansas. I was raised with the help of a white grandfather who survived a Depression to serve in Patton’s Army during World War II and a white grandmother who worked on a bomber assembly line at Fort Leavenworth while he was overseas. I’ve gone to some of the best schools in America and lived in one of the world’s poorest nations. I am married to a black American who carries within her the blood of slaves and slaveowners – an inheritance we pass on to our two precious daughters. I have brothers, sisters, nieces, nephews, uncles and cousins, of every race and every hue, scattered across three continents, and for as long as I live, I will never forget that in no other country on Earth is my story even possible.
It’s a story that hasn’t made me the most conventional candidate. But it is a story that has seared into my genetic makeup the idea that this nation is more than the sum of its parts – that out of many, we are truly one.
Throughout the first year of this campaign, against all predictions to the contrary, we saw how hungry the American people were for this message of unity. Despite the temptation to view my candidacy through a purely racial lens, we won commanding victories in states with some of the whitest populations in the country. In South Carolina, where the Confederate Flag still flies, we built a powerful coalition of African Americans and white Americans.
This is not to say that race has not been an issue in the campaign. At various stages in the campaign, some commentators have deemed me either “too black” or “not black enough.” We saw racial tensions bubble to the surface during the week before the South Carolina primary. The press has scoured every exit poll for the latest evidence of racial polarization, not just in terms of white and black, but black and brown as well.
And yet, it has only been in the last couple of weeks that the discussion of race in this campaign has taken a particularly divisive turn.
On one end of the spectrum, we’ve heard the implication that my candidacy is somehow an exercise in affirmative action; that it’s based solely on the desire of wide-eyed liberals to purchase racial reconciliation on the cheap. On the other end, we’ve heard my former pastor, Reverend Jeremiah Wright, use incendiary language to express views that have the potential not only to widen the racial divide, but views that denigrate both the greatness and the goodness of our nation; that rightly offend white and black alike.
I have already condemned, in unequivocal terms, the statements of Reverend Wright that have caused such controversy. For some, nagging questions remain. Did I know him to be an occasionally fierce critic of American domestic and foreign policy? Of course. Did I ever hear him make remarks that could be considered controversial while I sat in church? Yes. Did I strongly disagree with many of his political views? Absolutely – just as I’m sure many of you have heard remarks from your pastors, priests, or rabbis with which you strongly disagreed.
But the remarks that have caused this recent firestorm weren’t simply controversial. They weren’t simply a religious leader’s effort to speak out against perceived injustice. Instead, they expressed a profoundly distorted view of this country – a view that sees white racism as endemic, and that elevates what is wrong with America above all that we know is right with America; a view that sees the conflicts in the Middle East as rooted primarily in the actions of stalwart allies like Israel, instead of emanating from the perverse and hateful ideologies of radical Islam.
As such, Reverend Wright’s comments were not only wrong but divisive, divisive at a time when we need unity; racially charged at a time when we need to come together to solve a set of monumental problems – two wars, a terrorist threat, a falling economy, a chronic health care crisis and potentially devastating climate change; problems that are neither black or white or Latino or Asian, but rather problems that confront us all.
Given my background, my politics, and my professed values and ideals, there will no doubt be those for whom my statements of condemnation are not enough. Why associate myself with Reverend Wright in the first place, they may ask? Why not join another church? And I confess that if all that I knew of Reverend Wright were the snippets of those sermons that have run in an endless loop on the television and You Tube, or if Trinity United Church of Christ conformed to the caricatures being peddled by some commentators, there is no doubt that I would react in much the same way
But the truth is, that isn’t all that I know of the man. The man I met more than twenty years ago is a man who helped introduce me to my Christian faith, a man who spoke to me about our obligations to love one another; to care for the sick and lift up the poor. He is a man who served his country as a U.S. Marine; who has studied and lectured at some of the finest universities and seminaries in the country, and who for over thirty years led a church that serves the community by doing God’s work here on Earth – by housing the homeless, ministering to the needy, providing day care services and scholarships and prison ministries, and reaching out to those suffering from HIV/AIDS.
In my first book, Dreams From My Father, I described the experience of my first service at Trinity:
“People began to shout, to rise from their seats and clap and cry out, a forceful wind carrying the reverend’s voice up into the rafters….And in that single note – hope! – I heard something else; at the foot of that cross, inside the thousands of churches across the city, I imagined the stories of ordinary black people merging with the stories of David and Goliath, Moses and Pharaoh, the Christians in the lion’s den, Ezekiel’s field of dry bones. Those stories – of survival, and freedom, and hope – became our story, my story; the blood that had spilled was our blood, the tears our tears; until this black church, on this bright day, seemed once more a vessel carrying the story of a people into future generations and into a larger world. Our trials and triumphs became at once unique and universal, black and more than black; in chronicling our journey, the stories and songs gave us a means to reclaim memories that we didn’t need to feel shame about…memories that all people might study and cherish – and with which we could start to rebuild.”
That has been my experience at Trinity. Like other predominantly black churches across the country, Trinity embodies the black community in its entirety – the doctor and the welfare mom, the model student and the former gang-banger. Like other black churches, Trinity’s services are full of raucous laughter and sometimes bawdy humor. They are full of dancing, clapping, screaming and shouting that may seem jarring to the untrained ear. The church contains in full the kindness and cruelty, the fierce intelligence and the shocking ignorance, the struggles and successes, the love and yes, the bitterness and bias that make up the black experience in America.
And this helps explain, perhaps, my relationship with Reverend Wright. As imperfect as he may be, he has been like family to me. He strengthened my faith, officiated my wedding, and baptized my children. Not once in my conversations with him have I heard him talk about any ethnic group in derogatory terms, or treat whites with whom he interacted with anything but courtesy and respect. He contains within him the contradictions – the good and the bad – of the community that he has served diligently for so many years.
I can no more disown him than I can disown the black community. I can no more disown him than I can my white grandmother – a woman who helped raise me, a woman who sacrificed again and again for me, a woman who loves me as much as she loves anything in this world, but a woman who once confessed her fear of black men who passed by her on the street, and who on more than one occasion has uttered racial or ethnic stereotypes that made me cringe.
These people are a part of me. And they are a part of America, this country that I love.
Some will see this as an attempt to justify or excuse comments that are simply inexcusable. I can assure you it is not. I suppose the politically safe thing would be to move on from this episode and just hope that it fades into the woodwork. We can dismiss Reverend Wright as a crank or a demagogue, just as some have dismissed Geraldine Ferraro, in the aftermath of her recent statements, as harboring some deep-seated racial bias.
But race is an issue that I believe this nation cannot afford to ignore right now. We would be making the same mistake that Reverend Wright made in his offending sermons about America – to simplify and stereotype and amplify the negative to the point that it distorts reality.
The fact is that the comments that have been made and the issues that have surfaced over the last few weeks reflect the complexities of race in this country that we’ve never really worked through – a part of our union that we have yet to perfect. And if we walk away now, if we simply retreat into our respective corners, we will never be able to come together and solve challenges like health care, or education, or the need to find good jobs for every American.
Understanding this reality requires a reminder of how we arrived at this point. As William Faulkner once wrote, “The past isn’t dead and buried. In fact, it isn’t even past.” We do not need to recite here the history of racial injustice in this country. But we do need to remind ourselves that so many of the disparities that exist in the African-American community today can be directly traced to inequalities passed on from an earlier generation that suffered under the brutal legacy of slavery and Jim Crow.
Segregated schools were, and are, inferior schools; we still haven’t fixed them, fifty years after Brown v. Board of Education, and the inferior education they provided, then and now, helps explain the pervasive achievement gap between today’s black and white students.
Legalized discrimination – where blacks were prevented, often through violence, from owning property, or loans were not granted to African-American business owners, or black homeowners could not access FHA mortgages, or blacks were excluded from unions, or the police force, or fire departments – meant that black families could not amass any meaningful wealth to bequeath to future generations. That history helps explain the wealth and income gap between black and white, and the concentrated pockets of poverty that persists in so many of today’s urban and rural communities.
A lack of economic opportunity among black men, and the shame and frustration that came from not being able to provide for one’s family, contributed to the erosion of black families – a problem that welfare policies for many years may have worsened. And the lack of basic services in so many urban black neighborhoods – parks for kids to play in, police walking the beat, regular garbage pick-up and building code enforcement – all helped create a cycle of violence, blight and neglect that continue to haunt us.
This is the reality in which Reverend Wright and other African-Americans of his generation grew up. They came of age in the late fifties and early sixties, a time when segregation was still the law of the land and opportunity was systematically constricted. What’s remarkable is not how many failed in the face of discrimination, but rather how many men and women overcame the odds; how many were able to make a way out of no way for those like me who would come after them.
But for all those who scratched and clawed their way to get a piece of the American Dream, there were many who didn’t make it – those who were ultimately defeated, in one way or another, by discrimination. That legacy of defeat was passed on to future generations – those young men and increasingly young women who we see standing on street corners or languishing in our prisons, without hope or prospects for the future. Even for those blacks who did make it, questions of race, and racism, continue to define their worldview in fundamental ways. For the men and women of Reverend Wright’s generation, the memories of humiliation and doubt and fear have not gone away; nor has the anger and the bitterness of those years. That anger may not get expressed in public, in front of white co-workers or white friends. But it does find voice in the barbershop or around the kitchen table. At times, that anger is exploited by politicians, to gin up votes along racial lines, or to make up for a politician’s own failings.
And occasionally it finds voice in the church on Sunday morning, in the pulpit and in the pews. The fact that so many people are surprised to hear that anger in some of Reverend Wright’s sermons simply reminds us of the old truism that the most segregated hour in American life occurs on Sunday morning. That anger is not always productive; indeed, all too often it distracts attention from solving real problems; it keeps us from squarely facing our own complicity in our condition, and prevents the African-American community from forging the alliances it needs to bring about real change. But the anger is real; it is powerful; and to simply wish it away, to condemn it without understanding its roots, only serves to widen the chasm of misunderstanding that exists between the races.
In fact, a similar anger exists within segments of the white community. Most working- and middle-class white Americans don’t feel that they have been particularly privileged by their race. Their experience is the immigrant experience – as far as they’re concerned, no one’s handed them anything, they’ve built it from scratch. They’ve worked hard all their lives, many times only to see their jobs shipped overseas or their pension dumped after a lifetime of labor. They are anxious about their futures, and feel their dreams slipping away; in an era of stagnant wages and global competition, opportunity comes to be seen as a zero sum game, in which your dreams come at my expense. So when they are told to bus their children to a school across town; when they hear that an African American is getting an advantage in landing a good job or a spot in a good college because of an injustice that they themselves never committed; when they’re told that their fears about crime in urban neighborhoods are somehow prejudiced, resentment builds over time.
Like the anger within the black community, these resentments aren’t always expressed in polite company. But they have helped shape the political landscape for at least a generation. Anger over welfare and affirmative action helped forge the Reagan Coalition. Politicians routinely exploited fears of crime for their own electoral ends. Talk show hosts and conservative commentators built entire careers unmasking bogus claims of racism while dismissing legitimate discussions of racial injustice and inequality as mere political correctness or reverse racism.
Just as black anger often proved counterproductive, so have these white resentments distracted attention from the real culprits of the middle class squeeze – a corporate culture rife with inside dealing, questionable accounting practices, and short-term greed; a Washington dominated by lobbyists and special interests; economic policies that favor the few over the many. And yet, to wish away the resentments of white Americans, to label them as misguided or even racist, without recognizing they are grounded in legitimate concerns – this too widens the racial divide, and blocks the path to understanding.
This is where we are right now. It’s a racial stalemate we’ve been stuck in for years. Contrary to the claims of some of my critics, black and white, I have never been so naïve as to believe that we can get beyond our racial divisions in a single election cycle, or with a single candidacy – particularly a candidacy as imperfect as my own.
But I have asserted a firm conviction – a conviction rooted in my faith in God and my faith in the American people – that working together we can move beyond some of our old racial wounds, and that in fact we have no choice is we are to continue on the path of a more perfect union.
For the African-American community, that path means embracing the burdens of our past without becoming victims of our past. It means continuing to insist on a full measure of justice in every aspect of American life. But it also means binding our particular grievances – for better health care, and better schools, and better jobs – to the larger aspirations of all Americans — the white woman struggling to break the glass ceiling, the white man whose been laid off, the immigrant trying to feed his family. And it means taking full responsibility for own lives – by demanding more from our fathers, and spending more time with our children, and reading to them, and teaching them that while they may face challenges and discrimination in their own lives, they must never succumb to despair or cynicism; they must always believe that they can write their own destiny.
Ironically, this quintessentially American – and yes, conservative – notion of self-help found frequent expression in Reverend Wright’s sermons. But what my former pastor too often failed to understand is that embarking on a program of self-help also requires a belief that society can change.
The profound mistake of Reverend Wright’s sermons is not that he spoke about racism in our society. It’s that he spoke as if our society was static; as if no progress has been made; as if this country – a country that has made it possible for one of his own members to run for the highest office in the land and build a coalition of white and black; Latino and Asian, rich and poor, young and old — is still irrevocably bound to a tragic past. But what we know — what we have seen – is that America can change. That is true genius of this nation. What we have already achieved gives us hope – the audacity to hope – for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.
In the white community, the path to a more perfect union means acknowledging that what ails the African-American community does not just exist in the minds of black people; that the legacy of discrimination – and current incidents of discrimination, while less overt than in the past – are real and must be addressed. Not just with words, but with deeds – by investing in our schools and our communities; by enforcing our civil rights laws and ensuring fairness in our criminal justice system; by providing this generation with ladders of opportunity that were unavailable for previous generations. It requires all Americans to realize that your dreams do not have to come at the expense of my dreams; that investing in the health, welfare, and education of black and brown and white children will ultimately help all of America prosper.
In the end, then, what is called for is nothing more, and nothing less, than what all the world’s great religions demand – that we do unto others as we would have them do unto us. Let us be our brother’s keeper, Scripture tells us. Let us be our sister’s keeper. Let us find that common stake we all have in one another, and let our politics reflect that spirit as well.
For we have a choice in this country. We can accept a politics that breeds division, and conflict, and cynicism. We can tackle race only as spectacle – as we did in the OJ trial – or in the wake of tragedy, as we did in the aftermath of Katrina – or as fodder for the nightly news. We can play Reverend Wright’s sermons on every channel, every day and talk about them from now until the election, and make the only question in this campaign whether or not the American people think that I somehow believe or sympathize with his most offensive words. We can pounce on some gaffe by a Hillary supporter as evidence that she’s playing the race card, or we can speculate on whether white men will all flock to John McCain in the general election regardless of his policies.
We can do that.
But if we do, I can tell you that in the next election, we’ll be talking about some other distraction. And then another one. And then another one. And nothing will change.
That is one option. Or, at this moment, in this election, we can come together and say, “Not this time.” This time we want to talk about the crumbling schools that are stealing the future of black children and white children and Asian children and Hispanic children and Native American children. This time we want to reject the cynicism that tells us that these kids can’t learn; that those kids who don’t look like us are somebody else’s problem. The children of America are not those kids, they are our kids, and we will not let them fall behind in a 21st century economy. Not this time.
This time we want to talk about how the lines in the Emergency Room are filled with whites and blacks and Hispanics who do not have health care; who don’t have the power on their own to overcome the special interests in Washington, but who can take them on if we do it together.
This time we want to talk about the shuttered mills that once provided a decent life for men and women of every race, and the homes for sale that once belonged to Americans from every religion, every region, every walk of life. This time we want to talk about the fact that the real problem is not that someone who doesn’t look like you might take your job; it’s that the corporation you work for will ship it overseas for nothing more than a profit.
This time we want to talk about the men and women of every color and creed who serve together, and fight together, and bleed together under the same proud flag. We want to talk about how to bring them home from a war that never should’ve been authorized and never should’ve been waged, and we want to talk about how we’ll show our patriotism by caring for them, and their families, and giving them the benefits they have earned.
I would not be running for President if I didn’t believe with all my heart that this is what the vast majority of Americans want for this country. This union may never be perfect, but generation after generation has shown that it can always be perfected. And today, whenever I find myself feeling doubtful or cynical about this possibility, what gives me the most hope is the next generation – the young people whose attitudes and beliefs and openness to change have already made history in this election.
There is one story in particularly that I’d like to leave you with today – a story I told when I had the great honor of speaking on Dr. King’s birthday at his home church, Ebenezer Baptist, in Atlanta.
There is a young, twenty-three year old white woman named Ashley Baia who organized for our campaign in Florence, South Carolina. She had been working to organize a mostly African-American community since the beginning of this campaign, and one day she was at a roundtable discussion where everyone went around telling their story and why they were there.
And Ashley said that when she was nine years old, her mother got cancer. And because she had to miss days of work, she was let go and lost her health care. They had to file for bankruptcy, and that’s when Ashley decided that she had to do something to help her mom.
She knew that food was one of their most expensive costs, and so Ashley convinced her mother that what she really liked and really wanted to eat more than anything else was mustard and relish sandwiches. Because that was the cheapest way to eat.
She did this for a year until her mom got better, and she told everyone at the roundtable that the reason she joined our campaign was so that she could help the millions of other children in the country who want and need to help their parents too.
Now Ashley might have made a different choice. Perhaps somebody told her along the way that the source of her mother’s problems were blacks who were on welfare and too lazy to work, or Hispanics who were coming into the country illegally. But she didn’t. She sought out allies in her fight against injustice.
Anyway, Ashley finishes her story and then goes around the room and asks everyone else why they’re supporting the campaign. They all have different stories and reasons. Many bring up a specific issue. And finally they come to this elderly black man who’s been sitting there quietly the entire time. And Ashley asks him why he’s there. And he does not bring up a specific issue. He does not say health care or the economy. He does not say education or the war. He does not say that he was there because of Barack Obama. He simply says to everyone in the room, “I am here because of Ashley.”
“I’m here because of Ashley.” By itself, that single moment of recognition between that young white girl and that old black man is not enough. It is not enough to give health care to the sick, or jobs to the jobless, or education to our children.
But it is where we start. It is where our union grows stronger. And as so many generations have come to realize over the course of the two-hundred and twenty one years since a band of patriots signed that document in Philadelphia, that is where the perfection begins.

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Wiild Thing’s comment…….
The story here is not that the Great Society failed. We all know that already. Obama is the one who plays race card and then goes “Who Me?”
This is the first time in my adult life that I have seen black racism which is endemic actually take some heat and have to whither under the light of day. Note how Obama can’t take that heat, he still wants to opine about America’s failures rather than truly confront his and Wright’s own demons.
Excuse me….we have some momentum now and I hope some have the balls to drive this home. The sad fact is most Americans are clueless. This sort of talk ( that pastor Wright did) is not uncommon in black urban churches from fiery preachers.
Imagine a white politician attending a white church that spoke this vitriol of blacks ….he would have withdrawn from the campaign.
I am tired of it. This crap spews right into rap music lyrics, black thug culture and beyond. The next time some black thug walks up and carjacks some soccer mom in Target parking lot and kills her for sport, do you really think that rhetoric like that from Wright has not made it’s way through the black community and influenced his heartlessness towards whites?
I take this white hater Wright personally in his spewing believe me.
Years ago I had finished a day of working at one of the Car shows at the Convention Center in Los Angeles. I was tired and had been standing for 12 hours in high heels handing out brochures. As I was on my way to get on the freeway to go back home ( it was after 22:00) the entrance I was to get on was closed due to some accident. I had to take anouther route. The Convention Center is in a bad part of town and as I drove around trying to find another on ramp I ended up driving deeper into the bad area which is called Watts. This is an all black community and all I could think of as my hands began to shake and my heart beat fast was how unfair it was to be white and be afraid for my life just because I was lost.
The outfit I had on from the modeling job at the car show was certainly not the kind of thing a girl would get out of the car wearing in the area called Watts. Not unless she wanted to possiblly get raped or killed.
Finally I saw a 7-Eleven, and there thank God was a cop car in the parking lot. I pulled up next to the police car and waited, and waited for him to come out. Finally he did, I rolled down my window and asked to speak with him. I told him my situation and asked him if I could follow him to an on ramp to the freeway that was open and that I would really appreciate it. He did and I will alwasy remember his understanding and kindness to me.
My point of sharing this is the double standard. I doubt most blacks feel this terror if they ended up lost in white neighborhoods.
Reverend Wright and his enablers deserve the same fate as Tom Metzger, and other people of the White Aryan Resistance types. They are doing the same thing to my race they accuse us of doing to them.
That Obama can even run for POTUS with this baggage is so pitiful.
Do blacks get a pass on racism? Wright and Obama wants us to do that.
Obama would only use his office to further inflame, validate and vindicate that which he obviously believes due to his 20 year love affair with Wright….and his friendship with Ayers and Dohrn and Casto and Chavez…….it goes on and on.
I am in NO WAY condoning hate on either said, but to say it is OK for people like Wright and Michelle Obama and B. Hussein himself to give it a fluff pass that is just plain wrong.

18 Mar

Air Force’s F-117 Stealth Fighters Making Final Flights



Air Force buffs, prepare to salute a true American hero as it makes it way into the annals of military history: the F-117 stealth fighter. The planes — one of the most enigmatic members of the military’s arsenal — will be making their final trip on April 21st from Holloman Air Force Base in New Mexico to Tonopah Test Range Airfield in Nevada, the home of their first flight. The aircraft is being replaced by a newer model, the F-22 Raptor, and the government says it has no plans to bring the radar-dodging planes out of retirement. In all, there have only been 59 F-117s that have rolled off the assembly line, 37 of which have already been taken out of the skies, and another seven which have crashed. We’ll miss you, F-117, and all the totally awesome, completely secret stuff you did.

DAYTON, Ohio
(AP)
The world’s first attack aircraft to employ stealth technology is slipping quietly into history.
The inky black, angular, radar-evading F-117, which spent 27 years in the Air Force arsenal secretly patrolling hostile skies from Serbia to Iraq, will be put in mothballs next month in Nevada.
Wright-Patterson Air Force Base in Dayton, Ohio, which manages the F-117 program, will have an informal, private retirement ceremony Tuesday with military leaders, base employees and representatives from Holloman Air Force Base in New Mexico.
The last F-117s scheduled to fly will leave Holloman on April 21, stop in Palmdale, California, for another retirement ceremony, then arrive on April 22 at their final destination: Tonopah Test Range Airfield in Nevada, where the jet made its first flight in 1981.
The government has no plans to bring the fighter out of retirement, but could do so if necessary.

“I’m happy to hear they are putting it in a place where they could bring it back if they ever needed it,” said Brig. Gen. Gregory Feest, the first person to fly an F-117 in combat, during the 1989 invasion of Panama that led to the capture of dictator Manuel Noriega.

The Air Force decided to accelerate the retirement of the F-117s to free up money to modernize the rest of the fleet. The F-117 is being replaced by the F-22 Raptor, which also has stealth technology.
Fifty-nine F-117s were made; 10 were retired in December 2006 and 27 since then, the Air Force said. Seven of the planes have crashed, one in Serbia in 1999.
Stealth technology used on the F-117 was developed in the 1970s to help evade enemy radar. While not invisible to radar, the F-117’s shape and coating greatly reduced its detection.
The F-117, a single-seat aircraft, was designed to fly into heavily defended areas undetected and drop its payloads with surgical precision.
A total of 558 pilots have flown the F-117 since it went operational. They dub themselves “bandits,” with each given a “bandit number” after their first flight.

Feest, who is Bandit 261, also led the first stealth fighter mission into Iraq during Desert Storm in 1991. He said the fire from surface-to-air missiles and anti-aircraft guns was so intense that he stopped looking at it to try to ease his fears.

“We knew stealth worked and it would take a lucky shot to hit us, but we knew a lucky shot could hit us at any time,” he said.

Incredibly, not one stealth was hit during those missions, he said

18 Mar

Berkeley Police Brace For Big Anti-war Protest




Sammi/Zanne Joi, on the left, and Mari/Toby Blome, on the right. Two of Code Pink’s Berzerkeley Babes.

Mercury News
Facing criticism over their handling of recent demonstrations, Berkeley police are bracing for a flood of protesters Wednesday marking the fifth anniversary of the Iraq war.
Police plan to have 50 or 60 extra officers on duty to keep crowds from getting out of control, Sgt. Mary Kusmiss said.
Officially, three groups are applying for event and amplified sound permits, but it’s anyone’s guess what unofficial protests may take place. Events are planned all over the Bay Area.
CodePink will have its usual protest in front of the U.S. Marine Corps recruiting center on Shattuck Avenue. Word Can’t Wait — Drive Out the Bush Regime plans a protest at the corner of Shattuck Avenue and Center Street, just a block and a half from the CodePink protest. And a group called the Answer Coalition plans an event with speakers and a hip hop group in Civic Center Park.
Kusmiss said the department’s crowd control team has been used more in the past 21/2 months keeping anti-war demonstrators in line than it has in the past 17 years. The team was called out the day of the Feb. 12 City Council meeting when up to 2,000 people converged on Civic Center Park while the council debated whether to retract a statement telling the Marines they are unwelcome intruders in the city.
Since then, the team has been used to control crowds at the recruiting center. The last time it has been used this much was in 1991, when there were violent protests at People’s Park over a plan to install volleyball courts, Kusmiss said.

“We’re going to have extra officers working in overtime capacity that day, much like the day of the protests during the big City Council meeting in February,” Kusmiss said. “Not preparing or anticipating crowds would potentially be very problematic. (During recent protests), we have had vandalism and criminal behavior, which has an impact on business and traffic flow.”

During the Feb. 12 City Council meeting, the department spent $93,000 on officer overtime. On Feb. 15 and Feb. 20, the department spent $20,000 each day in overtime controlling anti-war protesters downtown, said city spokeswoman Mary Kay Clunies-Ross.
The police department has taken some criticism for its use of force during those three events.
Berkeley’s Police Review Commission, which takes citizen complaints about police behavior and recommends policy changes, held a hearing last Thursday to hear complaints about the department’s crowd-control team.
The commission voted to form a subcommittee to look into the complaints, and Berkeley Police Chief Douglas Hambleton will meet with the subcommittee, said Lt. Andrew Greenwood.
And two commissioners will meet with Hambleton and City Manager Phil Kamlarz today to make sure the department is well-prepared for Wednesday’s protests.

“Force was used (during those three events); we have been open to saying that,” Kusmiss said. “There has been more guidance given by supervisors about the team’s approach. The size of the team is not large enough to work with crowds we have had. The leadership of the department sees it as an ongoing effort, so we are doing some more training.”

Kusmiss said the team has endured some attrition, and the department has had to transfer some patrol officers to monitor World Can’t Wait and Code Pink.

“The feedback we have received is officers have been professional and shown tremendous restraint under challenging situations,” Kusmiss said.

Clunies-Ross said the city is hoping to achieve a balance Wednesday.

“It’s hard to tell how big the events will be and what will happen,” Clunies-Ross said. “Our goal is to preserve people’s safety, and to allow people to have their voices heard against the war.”


Wild Thing’s comment……..
With any luck…the continued protest will bankrupt Berkeley.
Free Speech is used in many manners. But the one manner in which it should never be used in, is in a seditious manner. One can question the Government or support the Government with their Free Speech. There is nothing wrong with that. But when one uses their free speech to break the resolve of the people,and our troops while we are at war, that is sedition and should be treated as such.
The war was debated before we went. They will have plenty of time to debate it when it is over. While we have boots on the ground, now isi the time while we are at war to stand with our Troops and their efforts.
It is my understanding that while we had boots on the ground in Vietnam, Minh was funneling Russian and Chinese money into an organization called the CPUA (Communist Party USA). The CPUSA were the ones who organized most of the anti war protest here in the US during the Vietnam war. You can credit some of these people in this organization for breaking the will of the people to fight the war. We did not lose that war on a battle field. We lost it right here in the United States of America.
If we allow people to irresponsibly use our Free Speech, this same thing could happen again. There has to be a line drawn at some point. We have to hold people responsible for their motives and their actions words and deeds.
You can find most of the Democrats and their organisations are intertwined and all lead back to the International Solidarity Movement — the world-wide communist front.
Socialist InternationalDSA/USA….VVAW…. IVAW ….Code Pink…..
If you want a good overview of the left, spend some time scanning through DiscoverTheNetworks.org links, and follow the money, manpower, and methods — all communist/socialist, and mostly hiding under the radar.
Map engine takes 2- 5 minutes to load at the site.
And the infiltration is pervasive, endemic, and worming its way into the Republican party as well — see Specter for one example.
18 USC Chapter 115 – Treason, Sedition, and Subversive Activities , referring specifically to Sec 2388.
Crimes and Criminal Procedure – 18 USC Section 2388
Sec. 2388. Activities affecting armed forces during war
(a) Whoever, when the United States is at war, willfully makes or conveys false reports or false statements with intent to interfere with the operation or success of the military or naval forces of the United States or to promote the success of its enemies; or attempts to cause insubordination, disloyalty, mutiny, or refusal of duty, in the military or naval forces of the United States, WILLFULLY OBSTRUCTS THE RECRUITING OR ENLISTMENT SERVICE OF THE UNITED STATES, TO THE INJURY OF THE SERVICE OR THE UNITED STATES, OR ATTEMPTS TO DO SO – Shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than twenty years or both. (b) If two or more persons conspire to violate subsection (a) of this section and one or more such persons do any act to effect the object of the conspiracy, each of the parties to such conspiracy shall be punished as provided in said subsection (a). (c) Whoever harbors or conceals any person who he knows, or has REASONABLE grounds to believe or suspect, has committed, or is about to commit, an offense under this section, shall be fined under this title or imprisoned not more than ten years, or both. (d) This section shall apply within the admiralty and maritime jurisdiction of the United States, and on the high seas, as well as within the United States.

18 Mar

Hillary: I’ll Ban Armed Private Contractors In Iraq



Hillary: I’ll Ban Armed Private Contractors In Iraq
National Review
Speaking this morning, Hillary hits Obama for not ruling out continuing to use armed private contractors in Iraq. She wants to ban such contractors.
Those contractors are protecting Iraqi government officials. But I guess I shouldn’t be surprised, as Hillary once called for threatening to take away Iraqi lawmakers’ security if they didn’t reach a deal. And at least one Democrat didn’t find that to be a wise move:

Addressing Mrs. Clinton’s latest proposal to cap American troops and to threaten Iraqi leaders with cuts in funding, Mr. Biden lowered his voice and leaned in close over the table.
“From the part of Hillary’s proposal, the part that really baffles me is, ‘We’re going to teach the Iraqis a lesson.’ We’re not going to equip them? O.K. Cap our troops and withdraw support from the Iraqis? That’s a real good idea.”
The result of Mrs. Clinton’s position on Iraq, Mr. Biden says, would be “nothing but disaster.”

She goes on to talk about how she’ll go after the favorite Democratic bogeyman, the infamous “no-bid” contracts.

“There’s been a lot of talk about earmarks in this town (and she hasn’t released her lists; credit Obama for going that far) but no-bid contracts are ten times more costly than earmarks. When I introduced my legislation, I could not get, as of this moment, Senator McCain’s support for that.”


Wild Thing’s comment……..
Well that was easy! Now she can just ban terrorism, too!
So her “plan” includes drawing down military in Iraq by XX per month (can’t remember if she said a Division, Brigade, or just what) AND banning all armed civilian contractors. She said she’d remove the contractors that “perform the functions our military normally would” in the same sentence she said she’d drawdown the military. Sooo…we’re going to completely abandon the Iraqis under her plan.
Hillary Clinton isn’t fit to command a platoon Mess Hall… Unless you’re trying to give them all Ptomaine poisoning. She’s just gonna get people slaughtered..our troops, our allies, our friends. I guess she could always send Janet Reno after them with a tank.
A perfect illustration of one of the fundamental tenets of Leftist thinking; everyting must pass through their bureaucratic filter, and be under Politburo control of the commissars. Everything.
They despise private enterprise, prvate initiative and even basic private behavior (smoking, guns, food, and yes even your toilet), with every fiber of their being.

17 Mar

Obama Camp VERY Upset With Major Garrett ~ God Bless Garrett!

Major Garrett did an awesome interview of B. Hussein Obama about his church. Obama went on several news channels BUT Garrett’s interview was the best!
I want to show you something from Melanie Morgan’s blog that she wrote about what happened that night, it is excellent and very interesting ~ Wild Thing

First here is the video:
Barack Obama was interviewed by Major Garrett
Added: March 14, 2008
Barack Obama was interviewed by Major Garrett about his pastor on the 3/14/08 edition of Hannity & Colmes



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.
Reporting From Inside the Fox News Green Room by Melanie Morgan:

“As I was waiting to go on-the-air, Major Garrett of Fox News was on stand-by to do further reporting on his excellent interview with BHO in which he simply asked a number of questions like: “Did Reverand Wright marry you? Did Reverand Wright baptize your children? How often did you attend church? Did you donate money to the church?”
After that segment aired, Major Garrett’s phone started buzzing. He recieved a call from Obama’s campaign, and they were REAMING him over the report. From his end, I heard Garrett say “I have nothing to apologize for.”
He repeated that several times, and he amplified by saying that he was merely asking questions that everyone wanted answers to.
That did NOT satisfy Obama’s people, and Garrett flushed a couple of times while responding to the invective thrown his way.
He finally ended the conversation by saying ‘I’ll see you guys in April after I go home and visit my three children who barely know their father anymore.”
I was scheduled for the last segment with Sean Hannity and Alan Colmes. Bob Beckel, a Democrat strategist with whom I have shared a split screen on several previous occasions, appeared just before me.
This time, he was FURIOUS. Madder than I have ever seen him on TV. He was making a point that I didn’t really understand about kids who go to Obama’s church growing up to become President, and was drilling Sean about that.
Whatever.
Here’s the interesting part.
After the segment was over, I exchanged seats with Beckel. As he was leaving, he slammed the studio door so hard that it almost broke some expensive audio/video equipment, according to the technican who was threading my microphone.
He was STEAMED.
Later, I asked him why he was so upset.
He replied …”because Obama’s people didn’t vet him and now Hillary’s going to win.’
Catch that? A senior Democrat strategist thinks that Obama has lost the campaign over his association with Reverand Jeremiah Wright’s militant separatist language that includes statements like “God Damn America.”
I pointed out in my segment that my co-author Catherine Moy wrote about Obama’s close personal association at this very website about a year and a half ago. Catherine and I were excoriated for making that piece public. “

.

And here is the transcript of the video:
MAJOR GARRETT, FOX NEWS CORRESPONDENT: Senator Obama, thank you very much for joining us on FOX. I want to ask you a set of basic, sort of threshold questions about your faith experience at Trinity United Church of Christ because I think it will help Americans understand the story.
So the first question, how long have you been a member in good standing of that church?
SEN. BARACK OBAMA (D-IL), PRESIDENTIAL CANDIDATE: You know, I’ve been a member since 1991 or ’92. And — but I have known Trinity even before then when I was a community organizer on the South Side, helping steel workers find jobs. And we were organizing with churches and trying to recruit folks to get involved in that process.
Trinity was one of the churches that we tried to get involved in some of these community projects.
GARRETT: As a member in good standing, were you a regular attendee of Sunday services?
OBAMA: You know, I won’t say that I was a perfect attendee. I was regular in spurts, because there was times when, for example, our child had just been born, our first child. And so we didn’t go as regularly then. But…
GARRETT: When you attended, sir — when you attended, did you donate frequently?
OBAMA: Yes.
GARRETT: OK. Were you and Michelle married there, and did Reverend Wright preside?
OBAMA: Yes.
GARRETT: Were your two daughters baptized there, and did Reverend Wright preside over the baptisms?
OBAMA: That is correct, Major.
GARRETT: Very good. I wanted to talk to you about your statement released this afternoon, because earlier today when I contacted your campaign and I asked them if there was any way the campaign felt the need to add further context, add further distance between yourself and the statements of Reverend Wright, the one-word answer I received was “no.”
Then late this afternoon, you have a statement that says, “I vehemently disagree, strongly condemn.” I’m trying to understand the evolution between this morning and this afternoon. And I’d like to know specifically, Senator, what you vehemently disagree with and what you strongly condemn.
OBAMA: Well, Major, I’ve got to confess that, you know, as you know, I was voting in the Senate all day yesterday. So I wasn’t following this story as carefully as I could have been. And then I flew back to Chicago.
When I saw these statements, many of which I had heard for the first time, then I thought it was important to make a very clear and unequivocal statement.
None of these statements were ones that I had heard myself personally in the pews. One of them I had heard about after I had started running for president, and I put out a statement at that time condemning them.
The other statements were ones that that I just heard about while we were — when they started being run on FOX and some of the other stations. And so they weren’t things that I was familiar with.
Once I saw them, I had to be very clear about the fact that these are not statements that I’m comfortable with. I reject them completely. They are not ones that reflect my values or my ideals or Michelle’s. And that, had I heard them, had I been sitting in the church at the time that they were spoken, I would have been absolutely clear to Reverend Wright that I didn’t find those acceptable. Obviously.
GARRETT: Sir, would you have — would you have quit the church had you heard them personally?
OBAMA: You know, I guess — keep in mind that, just to provide more context, this is somebody who I had known for 20 years. Pastor Wright has been a pastor for 30 years. He’s an ex-Marine. He is somebody who is a biblical scholar, has spoken at theological seminaries all across the country, from the University of Chicago to Hampton. And so he is a well- regarded preacher. And somebody who is known for talking about the social gospel.
But most of the time, when I’m in church, he’s talking about Jesus, God, faith, values, caring for the poor, those — family, those were the messages that I was hearing.
And so you know, I think that the statements that have been strung together are compiled out of hundred of sermons that he delivered over the course of his lifetime. But, obviously, they are ones that are, from my perspective, completely unacceptable and inexcusable.
And if I had thought that that was the tenor or tone on an ongoing basis of his sermons, then, yes, I don’t think that it would have been reflective of my values or my faith experience.
GARRETT: So, quick yes or no. If had you heard them in person you would have quit?
OBAMA: If I had heard them repeated, I would have quit. I mean, obviously, understand that — understand that, you know, this is somebody who is like an uncle. If you have — to me. He’s somebody who helped me find Christ. And somebody who always talked to me in very powerful ways about relationship to God and our obligations to the poor.
If somebody makes a mistake, then obviously, you recognize — I make mistakes. We all make mistakes. If I thought that that was the repeated tenor of the church, then I wouldn’t feel comfortable there.
But, frankly, that has not been my experience at Trinity United Church of Christ.
GARRETT: Senator — in the time we have remaining you said that, in your statement today, “When I first heard these I was beginning my campaign.” Yet, you did not begin your campaign on December 4, 2007, when in a press release your campaign announced that Reverend Wright was a part of a quote, unquote, “African-American religious leadership committee.”
I’d like you to try to help me understand the inconsistency there. Because obviously, if you knew about them at the beginning of your campaign and you put him on this committee later, you would have been aware.
OBAMA: No, no, no. Wait, wait, Major. I didn’t know about all of these statements. I knew about one or two statements that had been made. And, as a consequence, as I said, if it was just a function of one or two statements, then that’s not something that would lead me to distance myself from either my church or my pastor.
And if I was going to have a committee talking about faith issues, which we’ve been very active in doing all across the country, reaching out to evangelicals and talking to the church communities all across the country, it would — would not make sense if my own pastor wasn’t on that committee.
Now, Pastor Wright is retiring. And part of the reason that this is not an issue, once it came to my attention, that we pressed very hard, was the fact that he is on the brink of retirement. He’s preached his last sermon. He’s taken a sabbatical. He is not going to be active in the church and has not been active in my campaign, and he is no longer a part of that committee.
But you know, my judgment at the time was that this was not as problematic as what I’ve seen over the last couple of days.
GARRETT: Senator Obama, always a great pleasure to talk to you, sir. Safe travels. We’ll see you on the campaign trail.
OBAMA: Major, thank you for taking the time. I appreciate it.
GARRETT: Thank you, sir.

17 Mar

Obama To Deliver “major speech” On Race Tomorrow



Barack Hussein Obama- racist, lying, anti American- is going to lecture us on race ….My title for this.
source for information below:
Washington Post The Trail

“I am going to be talking about not just Rev. Wright, but just the larger issue of race in this campaign, which has ramped up over the last couple of weeks,” Obama told reporters after a town hall meeting here. According to aides, he was up until 3 a.m. Monday working on his remarks.

He added that he would “talk about how some of these issues are perceived from within the black church issue for example,” he said.

He also briefly defended Wright from the image that has come through in a handful of repeatedly televised clips from recent Wright sermons.

“The caricature that’s being painted of him is not accurate,” he said.


Wild Thing’s comment……..
This is major damage control, polls must look pretty bad. LOL